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About Sol W. Sanders
Sol W. Sanders is a former correspondent for Business Week, US News & World Report and United Press International. He headed the Mass Communications Center at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and was deputy chief of mission of the World Bank (IBRD) in Tokyo. He is the author of several books including 'A Sense of Asia', (Scribner's, 1969), a political memoir of 20 years as a foreign correspondent in Asia; 'Honda: The Man and His Machines', (Little, Brown, 1975), a biography of the Japanese inventor and industrialist and Mitsubishi Electric: 'The Challenge of Globalization', [Penguin, 1996]. In 1967-1968, Sanders held The Edward R. Murrow Press Fellowship at the Council of Foreign Relations.
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A World Ablaze…But Different Fuels
Sol W. Sanders
February 26, 2014
A bane of modern military studies (let's eschew the term "science") is the concept of counter-insurgency–the idea that indigenous revolts around the world can be analyzed with "the scientific method" and that a set of general principles, if implemented, could cure the problem. Common sense tells us that the essence of any dissidence/armed insurrection is its particularity, its basis in specific local conditions. They differ not only in geography but in the characteristics of individual societies. So, yes, that the army should not steal the peasants' chickens is a good maxim–but such bromides do not go far to tell you how to prevent civil war.

At the moment, we have one bitter internecine war in Syria, and three incipient revolts between two or more elements in Ukraine, Venezuela, and Thailand. Other conflicts, even messier to define, are growing in the Central African Republic and Nigeria.

The question, of course, is whether there is anything that connects all these conflicts? And, if so, what if anything can be done to lessen tension and conflict?

Ukraine
The ambivalence between Ukraine and Russia is as old as the two peoples. In fact, it was from centers in what is now Ukraine that Christianity spread to the Great Russians and where they even got their name. More recently, Ukrainians have suffered disproportionately in the Soviet Union–a bitter irony, this being often at the hands of ethnic Ukrainian members of the Communist hierarchy. Stalin's man-made famine of the 1930s followed on to the horrors of those of World War I when the engineer Herbert Hoover first emerged on the world scene. But a flame of Ukrainian identity survived, expressing itself at the height of Soviet repression in such small protests as citizens of Ukraine's western metropolis, the old Hapsburg city of Lviv (Lvov, Lemberg), unofficially using "our time" (Central European) rather than Moscow's time zone to express their identification with the West.

So it is no wonder that (Ras)Putin, the new Russian dictator, seeking to restore Soviet glory has intrigued in a state once called in the two World Wars "a figment of the imagination of the German general staff". Whatever the outcome of fast-moving events, Putin has the most to gain or lose–aside from the Ukrainians themselves. Ras–who has said publicly that the demise of the Soviet Union was the greatest catastrophe of the bloody 20th century–is gambling. By his direct intervention, he either hopes to bring Ukraine again under Moscow hegemony, or failing that, to destroy its unity as a cautionary tale for other former Soviet "republics" holding on to their fragile independence.

But for the moment, the anti-Soviet forces have gained the upper hand in Kiev, and he faces a choice of backing the ultra-corrupt Russophile Viktor Yanukovych as he attempts to cling to power, apparently setting up shop in Russian-speaking and industrial eastern Ukraine. Or Ras could wait to see if President Barack Obama and the European Union will do the necessary to back their friends in Kiev. Or, unlikely, Putin retreats, taking his licks and admitting a disastrous defeat. That result could escalate Moscow's growing economic difficulties with its almost total dependence on fossil fuel exports, undercut by the growing impact of America's shale revolution on world prices.

Syria
As ghastly as is Bashar al Assad's and his Iranian backers' war on Syrian civilians–matching the ugly trial run Nazi and Fascist aircraft waged on Spanish Republicans in that prelude to World War II–geopolitically its importance lies elsewhere. Every day that Assad's regime survives, US interests and those of its allies suffer: there is an intensification of the influence and control of radical jihadists in the opposition to Assad, and the growing influence of the Tehran mullahs not only in Damascus but in neighboring Lebanon and even among formerly rabidly Sunni Hamas jihadists in Gaza.

Continued Syrian fighting risks the stability of both Israel and Jordan, the major two outright allies of the US along with Saudi Arabia. The growing perception of Iranian strength is posing an increasing dilemma for the Gulf Arab sheikdoms and even the military in Egypt: Whether they knuckle under to Iranian Mideast hegemony or go nuclear themselves. For long ago it became apparent that despite public pronouncements, the Obama Administration is prepared to settle for a supposedly nuanced arrangement whereby Tehran has the capability of weapons of mass destruction but does not "weaponize". That, for a country which for 17 years was able to disguise its uranium enrichment from UN regulators of the non-proliferation treaty it had signed.

Venezuela
With its long history of repressive regimes since independence from Spain almost 200 years ago, Caracas again is saddled with new oppression. But this time its incompetence matches any effort to tyrannize a divided opposition. With one of the world's largest petroleum reserves, President Nicolás Maduro has taken the country further toward bankruptcy, in no small part because of the largesse he has continued from his predecessor, Hugo Chavez. Chavez's populist policies built a constituency among the nation's poor until his death in 2013 and among leftist regimes around the continent.

Now Maduro, with his constant malapropisms, almost a caricature of Chavez, relies increasingly on Raul Castro's Cuba and its secret police tactics, including Cuban "advisors", against rising opposition. The cost in oil for the Castro dictatorship some observers reckon to be as much as $13 billion a year. Other discounts go to the leftist, and above all anti-American regimes, notably the Sandinista retreads in Nicaragua.

Thailand
The old contest between Bangkok's Sino-Thai elite and the more ethnic Thai rurals, especially those in the poorer northeast, has come unhinged in the rapid economic and international integration of the once isolated nation that never became a European colony. Ironically, the rural areas–which once got some taste of social and economic upward mobility through the frequent encroachment of the military on the political process–have now been seduced with long-awaited social services. Former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, a populist handing out new entitlements while he used his connections for building an enormous personal fortune, is a fugitive from corruption charges. Nevertheless, from Dubai or wherever, he has been running the country through his political machine with his sister as prime minister to the consternation of the old elite. (It is another irony that Shinawatra is, himself, only first generation Sino-Thai which he has never tried to hide.)

The elite, increasingly supported by students and Bangkok's middle class, are now turning to the possibility of some sort of indirect rule rather than Shinawatra's popular mandate. The crisis is deepening, beginning to affect Thailand's tourism–$26.7 billion in 2013, up 20 percent over the year before. Street rioting has already canceled out an estimated 900,000 visitors in the next six months and their $1.6 billion. Violence would eventually cut into the steady flow of foreign investment–Thailand's auto industry dominates Southeast Asia, ninth largest in the world.

Solutions for half a century to periodic blowups have come from the intervention of the military, now more reluctant than ever before to jeopardize its $5.3 billion budget by bloodying its hands. Thailand's sainted 86-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyade, despite his close associations with the elite, has spent much of the last year in hospital. The final arbiter in past political crises, he is coming to the end of a 68-year reign with the succession somewhat clouded by a scandal-prone crown prince.

Needless to say, the US did not create any of these crises. But whatever the failings of the Obama Administration and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's endless peregrinations and John Kerry's pledges of endurance, there is a growing worldwide perception that American power is retreating in the face of a poorly functioning domestic economy, a curtailment of military expenditures, and an Obama policy that attempts to "lead from behind". "Syria" has become the arch symbol of Obama's indecisiveness. That carries over to a growing belief in a general withdrawal from the United States' preeminent post-World War II leadership of free societies. With Obama's threats and "red lines" increasingly ignored, an ominous vacuum in virtually all regions of the world invites chaos if not worse.

This article was featured at the American Center for Democracy. Refer to original article for related links and important documentation.








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